deerslayer
Milforum Swamp Dweller
I wasn't quite sure where to post this, I'm back and doing more writing as I find the time. I've been meaning to finish this for awhile and never quite got around to it, I was wondering if anyone had any ideas to bounce around. The thesis is that we need either a. more operational security or b. better PR.
Culture of Defeat
Defining Socio-political Factors As They Pertain to Fourth Generation Warfare
Introduction: The Military and Societal Roots
It is the generally accepted definition that fourth generation warfare “transcends sociopolitical and transnational boundaries”. When a gathering of Marine colonels and outside consultants penned “The Changing Face of War” in 1989, they made chillingly accurate predictions which were ignored in the higher levels of military decision-making. When the article ran in the October 1989 issue of the USMC Marine Corps Gazette, its audience was primarily the special operations units of the various armed forces. Where the authors failed to alter the views of the attrition-geared military system of the day, it found a rapt audience in the Marine Corps MEU(SOC) units and its counterparts in the Army and Navy.
Of particular interest is the single line which states “the distinction between ‘civilian’ and ‘military’ will disappear.” The junior officers of the U.S. military, attempting to put the ignominy and loss of the Vietnam War behind them, found the document thought-provoking. As the ideas of reformers such as co-author William Lind filtered down through the military hierarchy, the concept of second-generation attrition warfare became a thought of the distant past. Modern restatements of old ideas, such as “maneuver theory”, began to permeate the officer corps of the various services. This was an extension of the Military Reform Movement of the 1970s, and it is probable that the bitterness resulting from the reform movement and the Congressional Reform Caucus of that time resulted in the ignorance of the piece.
Besides the animosity between reform-minded men and the status quo higher echelon officers, the document was possibly ignored because it was also in large part taboo and guesswork with regards to its information. While the vast majority of the original ideas espoused in the article eventually proved to be true, they were at the time too advanced for current leaders. The thought that the next conflict would become a Vietnam-esque guerilla conflict was absurd. Yet the next years saw the US becoming an increasingly viable target for terrorism- the perfect soil to cultivate such a conflict.
President George W. Bush first said after Sept. 11, 2001, that our country was never the victim of terrorism. However, the current government definition of terrorism proves that statement false. Terrorism is defined by our current military administration as “wanton or gratuitous violence against civilians or noncombatants.”
Cases in point include:
• American airline hijacks in the 70s-80s
• the Grenada conflict, involving the rescue of US students
• the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor
• the Boston Massacre, kick-starting the American Revolution
• and most recently, the September 11th attacks in 2001.
Such errors are excusable here. The purpose of this writing is not to criticize the faux pas current administration but rather to define the societal factors on the home front that today invariably affect any type of military operation. Its direction is societal, not military. However, his words mark a forgetfulness which seems to become more prevalent in the Western world as time wears on. The faux pas is simply a case for illustrating how little we as a society understand the definition of terrorism as our own system defines it. We display a tendency to ignore the past and at the same time attempt to prepare for the future. This is one of the dangerous societal factors which decreases our country’s effectiveness in fighting a fourth-generation war.
September 11, 2001 largely changed all of this for America, at least during the first phases of the GWOT. The media’s focus on the hunting of terrorists keeps the subject sharp in the public eye and forces us to remember the reasons for our involvement the military. At the same time, those same news networks sensationalize the actions of antiwar advocates such as Cindy Sheehan. This seems hypocritical; however, the smart military can play those actions directly into their hands. Public relations is, possibly unfortunately, becoming an ever-present and constantly growing factor in military success.
But our military is still reeling from reforms, from the actions of thirty years past. When Franklin C. (“Chuck”) Spinney presented his infamous “Spinney Report” on Air Force budgeting, those present were forced to fall back on personal attacks and mudslinging to kill the briefing. One general actually collapsed during one recitation and had to be evacuated. We do not have as a combined military force any other method to react to the antics of Sheehan and her camp.
Specific Societal Factors Affecting American Capability
The necessities of a 4GW capable army are made up of eight umbrella groups of factors. The first six are explained in “Perpetuating Destruction: Application of Thermodynamics to 4GW”. Those variables defined the actual military side of the equation. Here the final two are explained in detail. They are:
• Home support for sustaining a war effort
• Political connections, commitment, and relations
The purpose of homeland support for war is obvious in today’s politically correct society. Without a stable base for conflict war cannot in today’s military sustain itself. Western culture has been largely spoiled by an absence of terrorism. Our children did not grow up in a culture of fear. We have not lived in terror of weekly suicide bombings or widespread ethnic cleansing. In fact, aside from the Troubles in Ireland, terrorism has had a very slight influence on the Western world as a whole, confined to mostly isolated incidents which failed to garner any kind of international military mobilization other than the type of support necessary to protect foreign interests and ensure good public relations and diplomacy. This relative feeling of security does not do well to support broad operations on an undefinable front. Americans feel safe in their homes- we do not expect a car bomb to go off outside our kitchen door and as a result fail to grasp the entire point of a conflict to suppress terrorism. We are too far removed from the current situation to know as civilians how to effectively cope with it. In short, we need a good, politically justifiable reason that sits well with the populace to go to war. The difference in the politically correct democracy of America is that there must be an exceedingly good reason for conflict, and one that won’t offend anybody.
The United Nations did not refer to the Korean War as such- it was, in the UN’s own politically correct way, a “police action”. According to the 1999 Collegiate Edition of Webster’s Dictionary, the former, more common definition is absolutely right.
Culture of Defeat
Defining Socio-political Factors As They Pertain to Fourth Generation Warfare
Introduction: The Military and Societal Roots
It is the generally accepted definition that fourth generation warfare “transcends sociopolitical and transnational boundaries”. When a gathering of Marine colonels and outside consultants penned “The Changing Face of War” in 1989, they made chillingly accurate predictions which were ignored in the higher levels of military decision-making. When the article ran in the October 1989 issue of the USMC Marine Corps Gazette, its audience was primarily the special operations units of the various armed forces. Where the authors failed to alter the views of the attrition-geared military system of the day, it found a rapt audience in the Marine Corps MEU(SOC) units and its counterparts in the Army and Navy.
Of particular interest is the single line which states “the distinction between ‘civilian’ and ‘military’ will disappear.” The junior officers of the U.S. military, attempting to put the ignominy and loss of the Vietnam War behind them, found the document thought-provoking. As the ideas of reformers such as co-author William Lind filtered down through the military hierarchy, the concept of second-generation attrition warfare became a thought of the distant past. Modern restatements of old ideas, such as “maneuver theory”, began to permeate the officer corps of the various services. This was an extension of the Military Reform Movement of the 1970s, and it is probable that the bitterness resulting from the reform movement and the Congressional Reform Caucus of that time resulted in the ignorance of the piece.
Besides the animosity between reform-minded men and the status quo higher echelon officers, the document was possibly ignored because it was also in large part taboo and guesswork with regards to its information. While the vast majority of the original ideas espoused in the article eventually proved to be true, they were at the time too advanced for current leaders. The thought that the next conflict would become a Vietnam-esque guerilla conflict was absurd. Yet the next years saw the US becoming an increasingly viable target for terrorism- the perfect soil to cultivate such a conflict.
President George W. Bush first said after Sept. 11, 2001, that our country was never the victim of terrorism. However, the current government definition of terrorism proves that statement false. Terrorism is defined by our current military administration as “wanton or gratuitous violence against civilians or noncombatants.”
Cases in point include:
• American airline hijacks in the 70s-80s
• the Grenada conflict, involving the rescue of US students
• the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor
• the Boston Massacre, kick-starting the American Revolution
• and most recently, the September 11th attacks in 2001.
Such errors are excusable here. The purpose of this writing is not to criticize the faux pas current administration but rather to define the societal factors on the home front that today invariably affect any type of military operation. Its direction is societal, not military. However, his words mark a forgetfulness which seems to become more prevalent in the Western world as time wears on. The faux pas is simply a case for illustrating how little we as a society understand the definition of terrorism as our own system defines it. We display a tendency to ignore the past and at the same time attempt to prepare for the future. This is one of the dangerous societal factors which decreases our country’s effectiveness in fighting a fourth-generation war.
September 11, 2001 largely changed all of this for America, at least during the first phases of the GWOT. The media’s focus on the hunting of terrorists keeps the subject sharp in the public eye and forces us to remember the reasons for our involvement the military. At the same time, those same news networks sensationalize the actions of antiwar advocates such as Cindy Sheehan. This seems hypocritical; however, the smart military can play those actions directly into their hands. Public relations is, possibly unfortunately, becoming an ever-present and constantly growing factor in military success.
But our military is still reeling from reforms, from the actions of thirty years past. When Franklin C. (“Chuck”) Spinney presented his infamous “Spinney Report” on Air Force budgeting, those present were forced to fall back on personal attacks and mudslinging to kill the briefing. One general actually collapsed during one recitation and had to be evacuated. We do not have as a combined military force any other method to react to the antics of Sheehan and her camp.
Specific Societal Factors Affecting American Capability
The necessities of a 4GW capable army are made up of eight umbrella groups of factors. The first six are explained in “Perpetuating Destruction: Application of Thermodynamics to 4GW”. Those variables defined the actual military side of the equation. Here the final two are explained in detail. They are:
• Home support for sustaining a war effort
• Political connections, commitment, and relations
The purpose of homeland support for war is obvious in today’s politically correct society. Without a stable base for conflict war cannot in today’s military sustain itself. Western culture has been largely spoiled by an absence of terrorism. Our children did not grow up in a culture of fear. We have not lived in terror of weekly suicide bombings or widespread ethnic cleansing. In fact, aside from the Troubles in Ireland, terrorism has had a very slight influence on the Western world as a whole, confined to mostly isolated incidents which failed to garner any kind of international military mobilization other than the type of support necessary to protect foreign interests and ensure good public relations and diplomacy. This relative feeling of security does not do well to support broad operations on an undefinable front. Americans feel safe in their homes- we do not expect a car bomb to go off outside our kitchen door and as a result fail to grasp the entire point of a conflict to suppress terrorism. We are too far removed from the current situation to know as civilians how to effectively cope with it. In short, we need a good, politically justifiable reason that sits well with the populace to go to war. The difference in the politically correct democracy of America is that there must be an exceedingly good reason for conflict, and one that won’t offend anybody.
The United Nations did not refer to the Korean War as such- it was, in the UN’s own politically correct way, a “police action”. According to the 1999 Collegiate Edition of Webster’s Dictionary, the former, more common definition is absolutely right.