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Text of Secretary of Defense Robert Gates' speech at West Point
The West Point Evening Lecture, delivered by Secretary of Defense Robert Gates at the U.S. Military Academy on April 21, 2008:
Thank you, General Hagenbeck.
First things first. Congratulations on beating Navy in lacrosse. Army football will be at Texas A&M in College Station on September 27th. When we last played in San Antonio two years ago, you all took ten years off my life — something I can't afford. I expect it will be another great game.
In a normal speech, I would next thank you all for coming — but I know full well this evening is not exactly optional for you. So I'll be content with thanking you for staying awake — or at least trying to, given the tough schedule you have here at the Academy.
Of course, falling asleep in a lecture or a class is one thing — falling asleep in a small meeting with the President of the United States is quite another. But it happens. Indeed, former President Bush created an award to honor the American official who most ostentatiously fell asleep in a meeting with the President. This was not frivolous. The 41st President evaluated candidates on three criteria: First, duration — how long did they sleep; second, the depth of the sleep — snoring always got you extra points; and third was quality of recovery — did one quietly open one's eyes and return to the meeting or jolt awake, possibly spilling something hot? The award was named for Lieutenant General Brent Scowcroft, who was the first President Bush's national security advisor. He was, as you might have guessed, the first awardee, who I might add won many oak leaf clusters.
I regret very much that I will not be here for your commencement because of an overseas commitment, but I am honored and grateful to have the opportunity to speak with you this evening. Indeed, I think this is better than commencement because at commencement the Firsties — by then near second lieutenants — would only be thinking about how fast they could get off post. And this way I get to speak to all of you at least once for 35 minutes or so while I am Secretary of Defense.
This evening's talk is the culmination of a day spent on the road — it is, as always, a welcome respite from Washington, D.C. The faculty should have issued a warning by now that most of you, if you stay in the Army long enough, and do everything you're supposed to do in your career, and are successful, you will one day be punished with a job in the Pentagon.
Some of you may have already heard the jokes and stories from your instructors about the sheer size of the building and bureaucracy.
The late newsman David Brinkley told a story about a woman who told a Pentagon guard she was in labor and needed help in getting to a hospital. The guard said, "Madame, you shouldn't have come in here in that condition." She replied, "When I came in here, I wasn't."
Even the great General Eisenhower was flummoxed by the experience of making his way around the building. Soon after returning to Washington, Ike made the mistake of trying to return to his office — by himself. Eisenhower later wrote: "So, hands in pockets and trying to look as if I were out for a carefree stroll around the building, I walked ... and walked, encountering neither landmarks nor people who looked familiar. One had to give the building his grudging admiration; it had apparently been designed to confuse any enemy who might infiltrate it."
No doubt many of you have studied Eisenhower during your time here. Last year, I read Partners in Command, a book by Mark Perry. It is an account of how the unique relationship between Eisenhower and General George Marshall played a significant role in the American victory in World War II, and !aid the foundations for future success in the earliest years of the Cold War.
Eisenhower and Marshall, of course, are legends — icons etched in granite. Their portraits hang in my office. One of the things I found compelling in Partners in Command is how they were both influenced by another senior Army officer who is not nearly as well-known.
His name is Fox Conner — a tutor and mentor to both men. Conner and Marshall first became friends when they served together on the staff of General Black Jack Pershing during World Wart. In the 1920s, Eisenhower served as staff assistant under Brigadier General Conner in the Panama Canal Zone. From Conner, Marshall and Eisenhower learned much about leadership and the conduct of war.
Conner had three principles or rules of war for a democracy that he imparted to Eisenhower and Marshall. They were:
But, of course, all things are not equal, particularly when you think about the range and complexity of the threats facing America today — from the wars we are in to the conflicts we are most likely to fight. So, I'd like to discuss how you should think about applying Fox Conner's three axioms to the security challenges of the 21st century — challenges where you will be on the front line.
"Never go to war unless you have to."
That one should only go to war as a last resort has long been a principle of civilized people — we know its horrors and costs. War is by nature unpredictable and uncontrollable. Winston Churchill wrote in January 1942, "Let us learn our lessons. Never, never believe that any war will be smooth and easy, or that anyone who embarks on the strange voyage can measure the tides and hurricanes he will encounter... [O]nce the signal is given, [the statesman] is no longer the master of policy but the slave of unforeseeable and uncontrollable events."
In a dictatorship, the government can force the population to fall in behind the war effort, at least for some time. The nature of democracy, however, limits a country's ability to wage war — and that is not necessarily a bad thing. Indeed, with perhaps the exception of World War II, every conflict in America's history has been divisive and controversial here at home. Contrary to what General Patton said in his pep talks, most real Americans do NOT love to fight.
Consider the conflicts today. Afghanistan is widely viewed as a war of necessity — striking back at the staging ground of the perpetrators of September 11th. The Iraq campaign — while justified, in my view — is seen differently by many people. Two weeks ago, I testified before the Congress on the Iraq war. I observed that we were attacked at home in 2001 from Afghanistan, and we are at war in Afghanistan today, in no small measure because we mistakenly turned our backs on Afghanistan after the Soviet troops left in the late 1980s. We made a strategic mistake in the end game of that war. If we get the end game wrong in Iraq, I told the Congress, the consequences will be far worse.
It is a hard sell to say we must sustain the fight in Iraq right now, and continue to absorb the high financial and human costs of this struggle, in order to avoid an even uglier fight or even greater danger to our country in the future. But we have Afghanistan to remind us that those are not just hypothetical risks.
Text of Secretary of Defense Robert Gates' speech at West Point
The West Point Evening Lecture, delivered by Secretary of Defense Robert Gates at the U.S. Military Academy on April 21, 2008:
Thank you, General Hagenbeck.
First things first. Congratulations on beating Navy in lacrosse. Army football will be at Texas A&M in College Station on September 27th. When we last played in San Antonio two years ago, you all took ten years off my life — something I can't afford. I expect it will be another great game.
In a normal speech, I would next thank you all for coming — but I know full well this evening is not exactly optional for you. So I'll be content with thanking you for staying awake — or at least trying to, given the tough schedule you have here at the Academy.
Of course, falling asleep in a lecture or a class is one thing — falling asleep in a small meeting with the President of the United States is quite another. But it happens. Indeed, former President Bush created an award to honor the American official who most ostentatiously fell asleep in a meeting with the President. This was not frivolous. The 41st President evaluated candidates on three criteria: First, duration — how long did they sleep; second, the depth of the sleep — snoring always got you extra points; and third was quality of recovery — did one quietly open one's eyes and return to the meeting or jolt awake, possibly spilling something hot? The award was named for Lieutenant General Brent Scowcroft, who was the first President Bush's national security advisor. He was, as you might have guessed, the first awardee, who I might add won many oak leaf clusters.
I regret very much that I will not be here for your commencement because of an overseas commitment, but I am honored and grateful to have the opportunity to speak with you this evening. Indeed, I think this is better than commencement because at commencement the Firsties — by then near second lieutenants — would only be thinking about how fast they could get off post. And this way I get to speak to all of you at least once for 35 minutes or so while I am Secretary of Defense.
This evening's talk is the culmination of a day spent on the road — it is, as always, a welcome respite from Washington, D.C. The faculty should have issued a warning by now that most of you, if you stay in the Army long enough, and do everything you're supposed to do in your career, and are successful, you will one day be punished with a job in the Pentagon.
Some of you may have already heard the jokes and stories from your instructors about the sheer size of the building and bureaucracy.
The late newsman David Brinkley told a story about a woman who told a Pentagon guard she was in labor and needed help in getting to a hospital. The guard said, "Madame, you shouldn't have come in here in that condition." She replied, "When I came in here, I wasn't."
Even the great General Eisenhower was flummoxed by the experience of making his way around the building. Soon after returning to Washington, Ike made the mistake of trying to return to his office — by himself. Eisenhower later wrote: "So, hands in pockets and trying to look as if I were out for a carefree stroll around the building, I walked ... and walked, encountering neither landmarks nor people who looked familiar. One had to give the building his grudging admiration; it had apparently been designed to confuse any enemy who might infiltrate it."
No doubt many of you have studied Eisenhower during your time here. Last year, I read Partners in Command, a book by Mark Perry. It is an account of how the unique relationship between Eisenhower and General George Marshall played a significant role in the American victory in World War II, and !aid the foundations for future success in the earliest years of the Cold War.
Eisenhower and Marshall, of course, are legends — icons etched in granite. Their portraits hang in my office. One of the things I found compelling in Partners in Command is how they were both influenced by another senior Army officer who is not nearly as well-known.
His name is Fox Conner — a tutor and mentor to both men. Conner and Marshall first became friends when they served together on the staff of General Black Jack Pershing during World Wart. In the 1920s, Eisenhower served as staff assistant under Brigadier General Conner in the Panama Canal Zone. From Conner, Marshall and Eisenhower learned much about leadership and the conduct of war.
Conner had three principles or rules of war for a democracy that he imparted to Eisenhower and Marshall. They were:
- Never fight unless you have to;
- Never fight alone; and
- Never fight for long.
But, of course, all things are not equal, particularly when you think about the range and complexity of the threats facing America today — from the wars we are in to the conflicts we are most likely to fight. So, I'd like to discuss how you should think about applying Fox Conner's three axioms to the security challenges of the 21st century — challenges where you will be on the front line.
"Never go to war unless you have to."
That one should only go to war as a last resort has long been a principle of civilized people — we know its horrors and costs. War is by nature unpredictable and uncontrollable. Winston Churchill wrote in January 1942, "Let us learn our lessons. Never, never believe that any war will be smooth and easy, or that anyone who embarks on the strange voyage can measure the tides and hurricanes he will encounter... [O]nce the signal is given, [the statesman] is no longer the master of policy but the slave of unforeseeable and uncontrollable events."
In a dictatorship, the government can force the population to fall in behind the war effort, at least for some time. The nature of democracy, however, limits a country's ability to wage war — and that is not necessarily a bad thing. Indeed, with perhaps the exception of World War II, every conflict in America's history has been divisive and controversial here at home. Contrary to what General Patton said in his pep talks, most real Americans do NOT love to fight.
Consider the conflicts today. Afghanistan is widely viewed as a war of necessity — striking back at the staging ground of the perpetrators of September 11th. The Iraq campaign — while justified, in my view — is seen differently by many people. Two weeks ago, I testified before the Congress on the Iraq war. I observed that we were attacked at home in 2001 from Afghanistan, and we are at war in Afghanistan today, in no small measure because we mistakenly turned our backs on Afghanistan after the Soviet troops left in the late 1980s. We made a strategic mistake in the end game of that war. If we get the end game wrong in Iraq, I told the Congress, the consequences will be far worse.
It is a hard sell to say we must sustain the fight in Iraq right now, and continue to absorb the high financial and human costs of this struggle, in order to avoid an even uglier fight or even greater danger to our country in the future. But we have Afghanistan to remind us that those are not just hypothetical risks.