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| Milforum's Postmaster | Post; An Army of Some (Part Three)Sgt. Peter Penree caught on fire and rolled in the dirt to put out the flames. With communications knocked out, he raced to nearby homes and asked to borrow cars to evacuate the wounded. Using their Motorola radios, Iraqi soldiers summoned the Marine Quick Reaction Force. Lieutenant Omar a young Iraqi officer, was trapped under the rubble, his leg crushed by a block of cement. In all, 12 Iraqi soldiers and 3 marines were wounded, and an Iraqi interpreter was badly burned. Lieutenant Omar lost his leg below the knee. He was replaced by Lieutenant Qusay, a well-regarded officer who recently worked six months without pay. Colonel Cooling concluded that the attacks were a response to the Marine efforts to recruit a new police force for the rest of the Haditha triad. It was also another example of whack-a-mole. With American troops fighting to reclaim Ramadi, in the eastern part of Anbar, the insurgents seemed to be shifting some of their operations to Haditha. Some of the Iraqis I talked to had an almost fatalistic view on how long such fighting could go on. One Iraqi officer who asked not to be identified said he thought the military struggle for Iraq might go on for 25 years. Before leaving Anbar, I stopped at Camp Falluja to see Col. Tom Greenwood and find out whether the pay problems Abass's battalion had experienced were unusual. Colonel Greenwood had been a military aide on the staff of the National Security Council leading up to the war, then commanded a Marine Expeditionary Unit in Baghdad. Now he was finishing a six-month tour as the senior Marine officer responsible for training the Iraqi Army and police in Anbar. It had been a tough day. An American military advisory team near Habbaniya had been blown up by an I.E.D. One marine was dead, two others were seriously wounded and the early reports were that they would lose their legs. Greenwood explained that the pay issues in Haditha were quite common. In the Anbar region, about 550 Iraqi soldiers received no pay for June, while another 2,200 were receiving less pay than they were entitled to by rank. During one of his many trips to Baghdad to wrestle with the Iraqi bureaucracy, Greenwood was told that 19 men who were owed back pay had mysteriously vanished from the rolls of trained soldiers - and the only way they could get back on the payroll was to go through boot camp all over again. Logistics was another of Greenwood's worries. American commanders in Baghdad had pushed the Iraqis to take over responsibility for their own logistics, but that led to cases in which Iraqi soldiers had received spoiled meat and rotten vegetables. "What is the priority," Greenwood asked aloud, "teaching Iraqi civilians how to efficiently execute host-nation contracts on behalf of their new government? Or training and supporting the Iraqi Army in their daily fight against insurgents? In a perfect world, you strive to do both. In the imperfect world of Al Anbar, you frequently have to pick one or the other. And if you want to win, you better pick the latter." Each month, Iraqi soldiers are granted about a week's leave to deliver their pay to their families, who may live hundreds of miles away, a tradition that reflects the lack of an effective banking system in Iraq. With all the dangers, hardships and problems in receiving pay, the soldiers do not always come back. Factoring in the generous leaves, the day-to-day strength of the Seventh Iraqi Division, Abass's parent unit and the newest division in the army, is about 35 percent of its authorized strength. The First Iraqi Division, which has the responsibility for parts of Falluja and is deployed near Habbaniya, is at about 50 percent strength. When I raised some of these issues in a telephone interview with General Dempsey, who oversees the training effort for all of Iraq, he insisted that the problems had to be put in perspective. The two divisions in Anbar, he said, were deployed in one of the harshest regions and were in the worst shape, though the Fifth Iraqi Division in the difficult Diyala region was also "challenged" in terms of troop strength. Most Iraqi divisions, he said, had 85 to 90 percent of the troops they were authorized. When leaves were taken into account, that meant they were at 65 to 70 percent strength. The pay problems at Iraq's Ministry of Defense, he said, were being addressed. They reflected the lack of an automated system but also stemmed from the need to guard against corruption and ensure that Iraqi units in the field did not obtain more pay than they were entitled to by putting phantom soldiers on the rolls. The Iraqi government, he insisted, was eager to enlist recruits and would now allow soldiers to sign up for a two-year tour in which at least one year was spent in their home provinces - a big concern for Sunnis, who are reluctant to serve outside Anbar. As for logistics, he said, it is important that the Iraqis demonstrate that they are in control of their own military by assuming responsibility for sustaining and paying their own soldiers, though measures to ease the strain, like allowing commanders to buy some provisions locally, are under consideration. "A national reconciliation will encourage young men of all groups to step forward and serve their country," Dempsey said. "This is a shared effort and a shared responsibility and not simply a matter of making logistics and pay better." The day after I visited Colonel Greenwood, I went to a dilapidated soap factory in Falluja where another Marine advisory team was working with an Iraqi battalion. The plant was in the industrial part of town and very austere. Some weight-lifting equipment was stored in a warehouse whose floor was dappled with jagged pools of sunlight. Bullet rounds and mortars had ripped holes in the roof, allowing the burning sun to pour through like some sort of reverse planetarium. American commanders consider Falluja to be a success story. After the Marines cleared the city in a violent battle in 2004, seven checkpoints were established to control access to the city, making Falluja Iraq's largest gated community. The city is now bustling with traffic. Crowds of Iraqis fleeing the fighting in Ramadi line up to apply for identification cards so they can stay in Falluja. For all that, militants have managed to slip back into the city. The night I arrived, a roadside bomb killed one Iraqi soldier and wounded another during a shift change at an observation post. The Marine advisory team at the soap factory was commanded by Maj. David E. Richardson, a Marine artillery officer who put aside his plans to attend medical school as the 1991 gulf war approached and joined the Marines. He volunteered for this assignment in Iraq and was advising the battalion headed by Col. Abed-el-Mujeed Nasser, a 41-year-old officer who fought in the Iran-Iraq war, participated in the invasion of Kuwait during Saddam Hussein's era, looks older than his years and presides over the battalion with an air of complete authority. By reputation, Colonel Mujeed is said to be a decisive and experienced officer, which is all to the good, as his forces are approaching a critical phase. The Iraqi Army is scheduled to assume the entire responsibility for securing Falluja this fall, though a Marine unit will be poised to rush in if there is major trouble. The Iraqi colonel said he needed more troops to carry out the mission but expressed no apprehension about doing so. "I think they will take it over, struggle with it a bit and then grow into it," Major Richardson said. "That is the best-case scenario. The worst-case scenario is they take it over, heavy, heavy violence breaks out and essentially the people don't have any confidence in the army. I don't see that happening because there are some pretty strong battalion commanders, Mujeed being one of them." The Iraqi troops "are brave soldiers," Richardson added. "They can operate. They can shoot. They can communicate, but they can't sustain themselves. That is the next level. From pay to Humvee tires, they've got to be able to sustain themselves." One of Mujeed's bravest performances may have come that day at the soap factory, when Iraq's new defense minister, Abdul Qader Mohammed Jassim; its new interior minister, Jawad al-Bolani; and Gen. George Casey, the senior American commander, arrived for a visit. Pointing to the list of 70 casualties his battalion suffered in an earlier fight for Ramadi, the Iraqi colonel recounted the familiar litany of problems - the failure to pay soldiers according to their new ranks, the difficulty in getting the Ministry of Defense to approve promotions, the higher pay provided to the local police - and in this case the failure to provide any salaries at all to 34 recruits who graduated from boot camp in April. Because of combat losses and a dearth of recruits, the battalion had less than half of the 759 troops it was authorized. The Iraqi defense minister insisted that he was only now learning of such problems and promised to take corrective action. Later, I asked Mujeed if he thought anything would come of his appeal. "Sure, he is going to work on it, but he won't get results soon," he said. "It is going to take a while."
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